“Wars
begin when diplomacy ends”, the famous quote by Adolf Hitler, has always been a
forceful reminder of the imperative importance of diplomacy as a strategy in
the world arena. The importance of diplomacy as a war deterrent is of
significant importance in the modern geopolitical arena. In the modern
nuclearized world, war is not an option.
As it was stated in the Einstein-Russell manifesto, “what assurance do
we have that agreements made in times of peace, would be honored during times
of war”. Furthermore recent developments in the international stage have
showcased the importance of diplomatic dialogue in maintaining the stability of
a region, before conflict followed by ensuing turmoil erupts.
Thus,
these few points alone showcase the importance of diplomacy.
Niche
Diplomacy is a form of strategy which comes under the category of soft power.
Soft power as opposed to the hard power of military and economic strength,
moves to resolve issues through the application of tact, strategy, networking
and influence. Often are the scenarios in the global setting where the strength
of hard power has been mitigated by the delicate touch of soft power. In the modern context of the world, in
essence in the post-Cold War world which has moved from a bi-polar system to
today’s uni-multipolar system, the need of soft powers by middle and small
power nations are seen. A middle power country; is a country lacking influence
in the global sphere in the aspects of military and economic strength.
Furthermore, it is important to realize that these countries lack financial and
human resources to have an imposing Public Diplomacy policy to drive their
agenda on a macro-global stage. The uni-multipolar system, can be understood as
system; ‘In which all countries have a certain level of Independent influence,
yet one country holds an asymmetrical amount of influence within the sphere.’
Yet the best possible method of understanding the uni-multipolar system is by
the way in which it differs from a bi-polar system; in which two major opposing
powers were well defined decision-takers and decision makers. In this
uni-multipolar system almost every country has the opportunity to become a
decision maker and not a decision taker. Hence using soft power in order to
achieve these goals for middle and small power nations is noteworthy. Yet what
one must grasp, is that middle and small powers lack the ability to resource
and finance a wide reaching foreign policy agenda. Hence the importance of
Niche Diplomacy is seen. Three main salient features of Niche Diplomacy can be
seen; (1) tactical alignment towards one specific field / topic of interest,
(2) efficient and effective uses of resources, (3) influence and consensus
building. Of these the efficient and effective use of resources is of importance
to middle and small powers. By streamlining their resources and expertise
towards one particular facet, prudent and economical use, they can achieve
influence through minimum cost.
Niche
Diplomacy has been a strategy that has been used by middle power nations such
as Singapore, Sweden, Norway, Switzerland and South Africa in order to achieve
influence and greater strategic power, in essence soft power, within the
geopolitical arena. Sri Lanka too being a middle power country or in a sense
transitioning towards one needs to think through the ideas of Niche Diplomacy
in its foreign policy agenda. It needs to identify its ‘niche ability’ in the
modern context and find strategies in order to achieve influence in the
international arena by exploiting these capacities.
A
good example is South Africa. South Africa faced a lot of international
criticism due to its apartheid policy during the latter part of the 20th
century. The isolation of South Africa was seen in the spheres of politics,
international relations and sports. Following the apartheid backlash, and with
regime change which resulted in the end of apartheid, post-apartheid South
Africa needed to rebrand image and national conciseness. Hence a need for image
change was felt in both the domestic and international aspects. The topic they
took up for Niche Diplomacy is Nuclear Disarmament and Nuclear Non-
Proliferation. South Africa became one of the only countries to give up its
nuclear arsenal and one of the three countries to give up its nuclear program.
South Africa took up an ‘Anti-Nuclear Niche Diplomacy’ approach. They became
great advocates of the Nuclear Non Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and the
Comprehensive Treaty on Banning Nuclear Testing (CTBT) and they have worked
actively with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) through time.
In
an era in which nuclear winters, war and weapons are of great discussion and in
an era in which nuclear weapons have been considered as good negotiating tools
and almost as a source national assurance, South Africa’s choice to remove its
nuclear arsenal was commendable. Rather than sheltering themselves under the
euphemistic umbrella of concepts such as ‘no first use’ or ‘mutually assured
destruction,’ South Africa decided to go down the road of nuclear disarmament.
This has had a great impact nationally and internationally. At the national
level, it brought pride and rebranding after apartheid while internationally
the country was able to regain international standing. South Africa
concentrated its resources, technical and practical disarmament experience, in
this specific issue area to ‘generate returns worth having’ implying that it
wanted to achieve nonmaterial objectives with Niche Diplomacy which, in turn,
would likely generate prestige, status, material benefits , soft power and
moral authority.
Niche
Diplomacy is a viable policy for Sri Lanka to gain international standing.
Fields such as Marine Conservation and Trade routes, Post War Reconciliation
and Multi-Ethnic Co-Operation are seen as some of the viable options. Yet it
must stressed that, Sri Lanka needs to create Strong Governance and Policy
Sustainability through National policies in order to achieve its Niche
Diplomacy Goals.
The opinions expressed in this article are the author’s own and not the institutional views of the BIDTI, nor do they necessarily reflect the position of any other institution or individual with which the author is affiliated.
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